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Al-Arabiya TV discusses Iraqi government's efforts to combat corruption.

Dubai Al-Arabiya Television in Arabic at 1930 gmt on 23 February carries within its "Panorama" programme a 25-minute live discussion of the Iraqi Government's current campaigns to combat corruption. The discussion is moderated from Dubai by Muntaha al-Ramahi, who hosts Iyad Jamal-al-Din, member of the Iraqi Council of Representatives, via satellite from Baghdad; and Jabir Habib Jabir, member of the Iraqi Council of Representatives for the Unified Iraqi Coalition, via satellite from Baghdad also.

Al-Ramahi begins by saying: "Every now and then, the Iraqi street becomes preoccupied with reports on the pursuit of current or former officials on charges related to either corruption, support of terrorist organizations, planning to topple the state's authority by military coups, and others such things. But before long, these issues are concealed and political life proceeds as usual." She adds that "Iraqi circles wonder about these campaigns, their timing, and why they are always selective and circumstantial, despite the wide-spread corruption within the Iraqi authority," asking: "Are these campaigns related to settling personal or political accounts among parties that are competing for power in Iraq?"

The programme then carries a two-minute video report by Al-Arabiya correspondent Hasan Taha in which he says: "The eruption of political shooting at certain times and its retreat at other times has posed many questions about the objective of opening such files and the political dimensions that steer their opening. Despite the possible ramifications that might follow the recent charges against Muhammad al-Dayni [National Dialogue Front's MP, accused of involvement in a number of terrorist explosions and sectarian killings] and the recent moves of the Iraqi Integration Commission to open corruption files of former eras, particularly those related to arm deals, one might wonder whether the objective of reopening these files is to combat corruption within the Iraqi authority, settle political accounts among influential forces, promote campaigns for the upcoming parliamentary elections, or attempt to isolate certain sides and keep them away from the political arena in favour of other sides that are closer to the central government."

Asked to verify whether the current opening of files aims at combating corruption or settling political accounts, Jamal-al-Din says that following the provincial council election results, the Iraqi Government finds itself obliged to combat corruption, which has been affecting the entire political process in the country, adding: "If the prime minister really wanted to tackle this thorny and very difficult file, he had to begin with the big shots first, not minor individuals who accept bribes or violate the law, as these individuals would not dare to violate the law had they not observed higher ranks violating the laws and political norms." He says the prime minister has eight months left before the current government is changed, during which he can achieve a great deal with regard to purging state institutions. He adds that "the main cause of corruption in Iraq is the political and sectarian quota system," wondering how a sensitive security apparatus, such as the General Intelligence Department, can function objectively if its staff members are appointed based on this quota system.

Asked whether the purging process has begun with Muhammad al-Dayni, being one of the big shots, Jamal-al-Din says Al-Dayni is an independent Parliament member and does not belong to the National Dialogue Front, adding that what is taking place is a blackmailing process launched against him. He explains that "if there is a charge against Al-Dayni, it should be referred to the Interior Ministry, which should then refer it to the judiciary, and the judiciary would then ask the Parliament to lift his diplomatic immunity." He adds that this is a blackmailing process, not a move to combat terrorism.

Asked to comment on the quota system on which the formation of the government was based and whether the current campaigns fall within the settlement of political accounts among influential sides, Jabir denies that the government was formed based on quotas, saying: "This government was formed based on political foundations representing Iraq's social components. The government's status at present is certainly uneasy, because it needs a majority in the presence of opposition or, more precisely, the sides that seek to limit the government's authorities or withdraw confidence from it." He explains that this is why it cannot open the files of corruption or inefficient ministers. He adds: "The government cannot discharge a minister for fear of causing a crisis in Parliament, and because all parliamentary political blocs have been adopting the principle of supporting their ministers, regardless of whether these ministers were right or wrong and regardless of the type of services they render to the people, which normally reflect on the sides they represent."

Continuing, Jabir says that the recent elections resulted in the removal of 14 governors from their posts and changed the provincial councils by replacing them with others whom Iraqi voters believed would do a better job in their governorates than the previous ones, who were either corrupt or inefficient, adding that Iraqi citizens' first priority now is the corruption issue. He says: "Nevertheless, there are irregularities within the commissions that are supposed to combat corruption and within part of the judiciary. There were concerns and priorities in the past that might have preoccupied the Iraqi Government; namely security and stability, but now, I believe that the handling of corruption files should become the first priority of the government and of all political parties, otherwise, these parties will be punished by Iraqi voters as they did previously when they removed all governors and provincial councils from their positions in Iraq."

Asked whether Iraqi voters and democracy were behind the opening of corruption files, or whether it is an attempt by the prime minister to win as many votes as possible in the upcoming elections, Jamal-al-Din says "there is a historic opportunity for Nuri al-Maliki to become a patriotic leader, if he proves that he is capable of tackling the corruption file, particularly as there is no political force in Parliament that can topple him until the end of this year. Therefore, he can do whatever he wants with the corruptors during the coming eight months, and he will be supported by the people and loyal politicians in his campaign against major, not minor, corruptors." He adds that if Al-Maliki is overthrown in Parliament during these eight months, he will then be a patriotic leader, because those who would topple him are the corruptors themselves. He says that Al-Maliki has a golden opportunity to become a patriotic leader by "striking firmly at major corruptors, beginning with those in the Shi'i coalition, the Kurdistan Alliance, then the Sunni Al-Tawafuq Front."

Jamal-al-Din explains that the recent provincial council elections revealed that the Iraqi people voted for the sides that are concerned about Iraq, not their sects, saying that "five million votes were in favour of the national and democratic direction," and that 400 lists lost. He emphasizes that "the Iraqi people support Iraq's unity and stand against sectarian discrimination and against perpetuating this discrimination through sectarian and political quotas." He says that the prime minister has a good opportunity to "correct the situation by building the state's institutions on national, not sectarian and ethnic quota, foundations."

Asked whether Al-Maliki will combat corruption in the same way he combated militias and restored security to Iraq, and whether such combating will be comprehensive or selective, Jabir says: "Corruption in Iraq began with the contracts that the US Administration concluded for the reconstruction of Iraq - an issue that is well known within the US media - and this corruption has become deeply-rooted in the country in that it is not easy to direct a fatal blow against it," noting that, however, with the strengthening of the state and the maintaining of security and stability in Iraq, the wave of corruption will gradually disappear. He confirms that combating corruption is not selective, particularly as Iraqi voters are aware of things and will punish whoever they believe is involved.

Asked whether the outcome of the recent provincial council elections will change alliances in a manner that national, not sectarian, trends will ally together in order to obtain better results in the upcoming elections, Jamal-al-Din says it is still early to talk about future alliances; however, "there might be alliances at the level of governorates, but it is early to talk about alliances within the next parliament," emphasizing that all indications point to the fact that the Iraqi people are heading towards supporting the national forces and abandoning sectarian and political quotas.

Asked whether the parliamentary political blocs will support the prime minister's efforts to combat corruption before the upcoming elections, Jabir says: "I believe that the forces that lost the provincial elections might try during the second half of this year and before the upcoming parliamentary elections to strip the prime minister of the strong weapons he used to win the provincial elections, so that these forces would achieve better results in the upcoming elections." He adds that based on this assumption, he does not believe that the parliamentary political blocs will be on Al-Maliki's side.

Source: Al-Arabiya TV, Dubai, in Arabic 1930 gmt 23 Feb 09